On this day—October 3, 1944 The Grand Mufti of Jerusalem wrote to Heinrich Himmler and asked for an Arab-Muslim army to fight the Jews beside the Reich. He had already know the Holocaust architect well. In his memoirs, the Mufti called Himmler his “close friend,” and described taking tea with the Reichsführer-SS. On one such occasion, Himmler signed a photo of the two of them together: “To his eminence the Grand Mufti, a memento.” Germany was losing. The Red Army was already in Poland. Meanwhile, the Nazis kept the gas chambers running. The Mufti had been in Berlin since 1941, on the German payroll, broadcasting for the Nazis in Arabic, and pleading with European leaders to send Jewish children to Poland where they could be murdered rather than allowing them passage to British Mandate Palestine. The Mufti had already helped recruit the 13th SS Mountain Division, Handschar. Now he wrote to Himmler asking for an Arab-Islamic army in Germany where volunteers would be merged with the units already in existence. All, of course, to be trained and armed by the Reich. He wrote that the effect in the Arab and Islamic countries would be “the most favorable.” That same month, the SS dropped a five-man German-Arab commando into the Jordan Valley with weapons, explosives, and German-Arabic dictionaries. The British caught them. Under interrogation, they said the Mufti had briefed each of them, compared Islam with National Socialism, and told them the fight in Mandate Palestine would help Germany. On November 2, the German Foreign Office issued a statement. Al-Husseini complained to Ribbentrop that it was not enough. They had cut the word “Muslim.” The Nazis were happy to use Muslim volunteers, but would not endorse the Mufti’s army. He flew out of Germany on May 7, 1945, the day of the surrender. Yugoslavia listed him as a war criminal for the SS recruitment, but he was never tried. The Arab Higher Committee took him back as its leader just in time to work to continue the Holocaust by annihilating the Jews of Mandate Palestine who were getting ready to declare their state. He lost there too.

On this day—October 4, 1936 The Battle of Cable Street stopped 3,000 blackshirts from marching on the Jewish East End of London. Britain then wrote a law for the next time. It is not using it. The British Union of Fascists had spent the year harassing Jews outside shops and following them home. Oswald Mosley sent a column in uniform through a neighborhood of 100,000 Jews. The Home Office would not ban it. Police were sent to force the route open. Jews from the East End came out to hold the road, and at Cable Street it was held. The commissioner turned the column around only after it could not pass. A week later, the blackshirts came back down the Mile End Road and smashed the windows of Jewish shops. Parliament’s answer was the Public Order Act. Political uniforms were banned. Police were given the power to reroute a march and stop it where the point was intimidation and the likely result was disorder. London still has marches intended to make Jews feel hunted. Jewish shops have been smashed, synagogues have been picketed, and ambulances serving Jewish neighborhoods have been wrecked and burned. The chants are the ones Hamas uses, and Hamas flags and bandanas are carried in the column. The uniform is a keffiyeh now. The statute Britain passed after Cable Street is the Public Order Act 1986, and it already authorizes the condition, the reroute, and the ban. The power is on the books, but the marches go on. British Jews are being left, again, to the mercy of officials who treat their own statute as optional.

On this day—October 3, 1980 A bomb outside a Paris synagogue killed two Jews leaving services and two passers-by. The French Prime Minister, Raymond Barre, went on live TV and said the attacker “wanted to strike Jews going to the synagogue and struck innocent French people.” Barre called it a “slip.” His slip separated the murdered in two categories: Jews and “innocent French people.” France spent years looking for a neo-Nazi bomber. Instead, the trail ran to a Palestinian terror group, the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine – Special Operations, and to Hassan Diab, a Lebanese-Canadian academic. In 2023, a Paris court sentenced Diab to life in his absence. Canada has not sent him to serve his sentence. Forty-three years later, the man a French court convicted of bombing a synagogue and murdering four people is still living free in Canada. In fact, as of fall 2024, he was teaching a course on “Social Justice in Action” at Carleton University in Ottawa. Barre sorted the dead into Jews and innocent Frenchmen. Canada sorted the convict into a protected resident who can shape young minds.

A new Israeli documentary is setting the record straight. NAZA: The Real Story offers a firsthand account from senior IDF commanders and intelligence officers who were directly involved in the fight against Hamas in Gaza. Using combat footage, declassified materials, captured intelligence, and firsthand testimony, the documentary provides important context about how the war was fought and the challenges Israeli forces faced on the battlefield. Watch NAZA: The Real Story with English subtitles: nazadocumentary.com

If they bothered to ask “do you understand that in a two-state solution one of the two states is the Jewish state, and it is not a two Arab state solution, which means that in living in Gaza you are not a fifth generation ‘Palestine Refugee’ and you do not possess a fictional right to settle in the State of Israel in the name of ‘return’” I doubt they would have these numbers. In fact, if they would have more than one percent saying yes I would consider it great progress.

On this day—October 3, 1940 France wrote its own Nuremberg-style anti-Jewish law. No German signed it. The Statut des Juifs was adopted by Marshal Pétain’s cabinet in the unoccupied zone in Vichy. This half of France still had a French government, and they published it in the Journal Officiel like any other statute. The statute defined a Jew: three grandparents “of the Jewish race,” or two if the spouse was Jewish. Neither conversion nor a baptismal certificate mattered since “Jew” was in the blood. The statute was drafted by Justice Minister Raphaël Alibert, and Pétain himself marked the text in his own hand and widened it, so the children and grandchildren of Jews could not slip out by a marriage or a generation. Then the statute closed the doors to Jews: no public office, no officer’s commission, no teaching, no press, no radio, no cinema. A Jew who had been a principal on October 2 was out of the school on the day the law was applied. A Jew who edited a paper was out of the newsroom. A Jew in the officer corps was out of the army. The law made Jews a category for exclusion, and it made the category public. Two weeks earlier, the German ordinance in the occupied zone had let prefects intern foreign Jews. Vichy did not wait to be asked for the rest. It defined the category itself and applied it south of the demarcation line, where there was no German governor. The second statute on June 2, 1941, lengthened the bans on more professions and ordered a census that would ultimately mark Jews for extermination. Every Jew had to register. The lists are what the roundups ran on. In July 1942, the Vel d’Hiv raid was executed by French police, used French buses, and was made much simpler by French lists of Jews. About 13,000 Jews were taken in Paris in that one operation. Most went onto their deaths through Drancy. The statutes were not German. They were French. And they did not have to be told the wording.

Nothing reflects the vibrancy of India's diversity & democracy as this iconic surrender photo. The Indian general accepting surrender was a Sikh; his chief of staff was a Jew; the diminutive Admiral was a Tamil; the Air Marshal was a north Indian!

The largest surrender since 1945 came when an Indian Jew from Calcutta gave the Pakistani army an ultimatum. In 1971, Pakistan’s army was killing Bengalis in East Pakistan. Death estimates run from the hundreds of thousands to three million. India went in. The man who drew up the campaign was Major General J.F.R. Jacob, chief of staff of Eastern Command. His family had come from Baghdad, once a major center of Jewish life. He joined the Indian army in part because of what he had read about the Holocaust. He would not settle for a siege as people were being slaughtered. His plan: bypass the strongpoints, race for Dhaka, and break the Pakistani command before it could fall back on the city. On December 16, he landed in Dhaka with one staff officer and Indian troops in the immediate area of only a few thousand. Pakistani Lieutenant General A.A.K. Niazi had about 90,000. Jacob bluffed. He told Niazi the city would be flattened if he did not surrender in public, unconditionally, and now. Niazi signed the surrender. Lieutenant General Jagjit Singh Aurora, the army commander, signed for India. Jacob was the man who had already demanded and accepted the surrender in the room. 93,000 Pakistani troops became prisoners. It is still one of the largest capitulations in modern war. Jacob stayed a Jew and an Indian. He later governed Goa and then Punjab. He passed away in 2016. May his memory be a blessing.

On this day—October 2, 1947 David Ben-Gurion stood in Jerusalem and asked the Arabs to take a state of their own and meet the Jews as sovereign equals. Not after the war. Seven months before it. The UN had not yet voted. No Arab army had crossed a border. The British were still the government. Ben-Gurion admitted the Arabs had refused to even sit at the same table as the Jews. But he made the offer anyway: “We will do everything in our power to maintain peace, and establish a cooperation gainful to both. It is now, here and now, from Jerusalem itself, that a call must go out to the Arab nations to join forces with Jewry and the destined Jewish State and work shoulder to shoulder for our common good, for the peace and progress of sovereign equals.” Six weeks later, the UN recommended two states. The Arab Higher Committee said no. In May 1948, five Arab armies invaded to kill in the crib the state whose chairman had just asked them to be partners. The people who left during that war are now described as the victims of a plan drawn up in the Jewish Agency. The plan on the table that October was the opposite: have your own country, and those who stay in ours will become citizens and together we will build our countries as equals. The Arabs heard him, and then chose war.

The Palestinians have rejected a state of their own more times than any national movement in modern history. 1937 — Peel: a Jewish state on a sliver of the coast. Arab leadership said no and turned back to violence. 1947 — UN partition plan: an Arab state beside a Jewish state. The Arab Higher Committee said no, started a civil war, and then five Arab armies invaded. 2000 — Camp David: a Palestinian state with a capital in eastern Jerusalem. Arafat walked, proposed no counteroffer, and launched the Second Intifada. 2001 — Clinton Parameters: a Palestinian state with a capital in eastern Jerusalem, 96% of the "West Bank" plus 4% of Israel, all of Gaza and a connecting corridor. Arafat said no as the Second Intifada raged. 2008 — Olmert: 94% of the “West Bank” plus land swaps to make up for the other 6%, a capital in East Jerusalem, and the Old City under an international committee. The PA, this time under Abbas, never even bothered to answer. 2020 — Trump’s plan: a Palestinian state, a capital in a part of East Jerusalem, and $50 billion in economic aid to build their country. Abbas called it the “slap of the century” in 2018, two years before the text existed. On the day it was released, he said “a thousand times no.” He refused Trump’s call and refused to even take a copy. They do not keep saying no because the borders were wrong. They keep saying no because the real demand is not a state beside Israel. It is a state instead of Israel.

🔥 International lawyer Natasha @HausdorffMedia rips into Macron, Burnham, Sánchez, Wong and Erdoğan for their lies and hypocrisy on Israel. World leaders used the UN podium to put Israel on trial. UN Watch brought brave British barrister Hausdorff to put their claims on trial.

On This Day — October 1, 1946 The judges at Nuremberg read the verdicts on the major Nazi war criminals. After 216 days of trial, 19 of the 22 defendants were convicted. Three were acquitted. Twelve were sentenced to death by hanging. Among those condemned to die: Hermann Göring, Joachim von Ribbentrop, Wilhelm Keitel, Ernst Kaltenbrunner, Alfred Rosenberg, Hans Frank, Wilhelm Frick, Julius Streicher, Fritz Sauckel, Alfred Jodl, Arthur Seyss-Inquart, and Martin Bormann (in absentia). For the first time in history, the leaders of a sovereign state were held personally accountable before an international court for crimes against peace, war crimes, and crimes against humanity, including the systematic murder of six million Jews. Göring cheated the hangman by taking cyanide the night before his execution. The other ten were hanged on October 16. Their bodies were cremated and the ashes scattered so that no grave could become a shrine. The Nuremberg judgment declared that “I was only following orders” would no longer be an absolute defense. The architects of mass industrialized extermination could be named, tried, and punished.

Today, we revealed the truth behind these so-called “journalists”.

On this day—October 1, 1941 The SS opened a construction office at Auschwitz to begin construction of the most notorious death camp: Auschwitz-Birkenau. The summer of 1941 was producing hundreds of thousands of dead Jews in the “Holocaust by Bullets,” as Nazi death squads followed the Wehrmacht during the German invasion of the Soviet Union. These Einsatzgruppen, often working with eager local collaborators, were shooting Jews in pits. The problems for the SS: (1) it was not efficient enough; (2) the executions were too public; and (3) there was an increasing psychological toll on Germans who were shooting hundreds and thousands of men, women, children, and babies every day. In August, SS men from the Russian front sat down with the Nazis’ euthanasia program’s gas experts. In September, Rudolf Höss tested Zyklon B on Soviet prisoners in a sealed basement at Auschwitz. On October 1, they stopped improvising and started building. Soviet prisoners of war were marched to the site that month to raise the camp. In late October, Kurt Prüfer of Topf and Sons designed the larger crematoria the expansion would need. The same month, Himmler approved what became the death camp of Belzec and construction began at another death camp, Chelmno. On October 23, the Nazis officially closed Jewish emigration from German-controlled Europe, taking expulsion off the table. The official policy was now the extermination of all of Europe’s Jews. Birkenau opened in March 1942 as a branch camp and a killing center. The barracks had been designed with suffering in mind: occupancy figures crossed out and raised exponentially and water and waste inadequate by design. Then came the gas chambers and the industrial chimneys. Before the end of 1944, more than 1 million Jews were murdered at Auschwtiz-Birkenau.

In 1971, the UN General Assembly danced in the aisles celebrating an American defeat. This was a turning point for the UN. On October 25, the Assembly expelled the Republic of China (Taiwan) and seated Mao’s communist regime. Ambassador George H.W. Bush watched the floor turn into a celebration. Years later, he wrote: Taiwan was not the issue. “Kicking Uncle Sam was.” That night, the UN stopped being a club the West could steer toward its values. “Decolonization” filled the hall with new votes that created a new super majority. The Non-Aligned bloc, much of it Soviet- or Chinese-aligned, now owned the General Assembly. The Security Council still had vetoes. Everywhere else, the new majority could outvote the West at will. They used the majority on Israel next. On October 14, 1974, the Assembly invited Yasser Arafat to address it by a vote of 105–4. The PLO he ran was a non-state terrorist organization whose charter called for Israel’s destruction. Two years earlier, its men had murdered Israeli athletes at the Munich Olympics. In fact, Arafat arrived to the UN with the mastermind of that massacre, Ali Hassan Salameh. Arafat wore a holster onto the floor of the “house of peace.” Whether the pistol was still in it on the rostrum was argued the next morning. What was inarguable is that Arafat left the holster visible to make a point. He never said the word Israel. He called Zionism a form of racism and imperialism that must “ineluctably perish.” He extended a supposed “olive branch,” but only to Jews willing to live under Arab rule after the Jewish state was gone. The chamber gave him a standing ovation. Israel sat out the speech while much of the West simply stayed quiet. The same coalition then tried to throw Israel out of the UN. Syria and Algeria ran the charge to demand Israel’s expulsion. The Islamic conference at Jeddah endorsed it. It failed only thanks to American pressure, Sadat’s refusal to blow up Sinai peace talks, and African states that refused to copy the South Africa script. So they passed what they could pass. On November 10, 1975, the General Assembly determined that “Zionism is a form of racism and racial discrimination.” With the automatic anti-Israel majority, the vote was 72–35 with 32 abstentions. Daniel Patrick Moynihan stood up and said the United States “does not acknowledge, will not abide by, will never acquiesce in this infamous act.” The resolution was repealed in 1991 after the Soviet Union collapsed. The UN was sold as the answer to Nazi atrocities and the Holocaust. By 1975, it was the hall that applauded a man in a gun belt and then declared the Jewish national movement a form of racism because it could not expel the Jewish state. That is a captured majority doing what captured majorities do.

On this day—September 29, 1923 The Mandate for Palestine became operational. The Mandate was conferred at San Remo in April 1920. The text was approved unanimously by the 51 states of the League of Nations on July 24, 1922. The preamble recognized “the historical connection of the Jewish people with Palestine and the grounds for reconstituting their national home in that country.” Note the word “reconstituting.” It was not inventing, and it was not gifting. This was 25 years before Israel and 20 years before the Holocaust began. Article 2 told the trustee the job: conditions that would secure the Jewish National Home, self-governing institutions, and the civil and religious rights of every inhabitant. The text does not grant a second national home on the same map. Article 6 went further telling Britain to facilitate Jewish immigration. Encourage “close settlement by Jews on the land,” including state land. Article 25 let Britain change the terms east of the Jordan. London used it. The September 16, 1922 memorandum cut away Transjordan (77% of the original Mandate) and suspended the Jewish clauses there. Anywhere west of the Jordan River, they were required to encourage Jewish immigration and settlement. Britain was the trustee, and the Mandate was the trust. When the League dissolved in 1946, the trust did not close with it. Article 80 of the UN Charter was written to adopt the Mandates in their original text. Palestine, in British official language, was a geographical name. It was not a nationality. The Palestine Post, the Anglo-Palestine Company, the Palestine Symphony Orchestra, all were Jewish institutions using the Roman name for the Land. Auni Bey Abdul-Hadi told the Peel Commission in 1937 there was no such country as Palestine; it had been part of Syria. Philip Hitti told the Anglo-American Committee the same thing in 1946. The Arabs who treat this document as original sin already had mandates of their own: Syria, Lebanon, Iraq, then Jordan. Political rights as a people were assigned there. In western Mandate Palestine, the political assignment in the text was the Jewish National Home, with every inhabitant’s person and worship protected.

Palestinianism is a Soviet product line that turned a lost war into a religion. Academia, media, and the Western left now treat the liturgy as history. The KGB did not invent Arab grievance. It rebranded it. After Soviet-armed Arab states were routed in 1967, Moscow needed a story that could hit America, isolate the Jews, and keep the Arab street pointed west. Stop saying “throw the Jews into the sea.” Start saying “decolonization.” Stop making it a war against a sovereign state. Turn it into a struggle of “indigenous Palestinians versus European settlers.” It did not matter that half of Israel’s Jews came from Arab and African countries, or that the Arab war against Jewish sovereignty was obvious to nearly everyone before 1967. The conflict was recoded as racism. In 1975 the UN made the recoding official: “Zionism is a form of racism” (repealed only in 1991 after the fall of the USSR). The hinge of the faith is the “Nakba,” and the word’s history gives the game away. Syrian historian Constantin Zureiq coined it in 1948 in “The Meaning of the Disaster.” He was not writing about refugees, but was expressing the humiliation felt by the Arab world as seven Arab armies failed to strangle the Jewish state at birth: they “declare war on Zionism ... stand impotent before it, and then turn on their heels.” Decades later, the same word was given a rebrand and became about refugees. The religion of Palestinianism has a very specific dialect. For example, “occupation” can describe Gaza with zero Israelis and zero Israeli soldiers in it. “Resistance” can mean blowing up a bus, a disco, or pizza shop filled with civilians. Somehow “nonviolent popular resistance” includes a knife attack on a random civilian. Bayt al-Maqdis is Arabic for the “Jewish Temple,” but in the new liturgy, the Temple never existed. Arabs who were simply called Arabs (a people who arrived with the 7th-century conquest) were reintroduced as Canaanites, a population that vanished more than 3,000 years ago. Zuhair Mohsen, on the PLO executive committee, said the quiet part out loud in 1977: there is no difference between Jordanians, Palestinians, Syrians, and Lebanese. A separate Palestinian identity “serves only tactical purposes ... The establishment of a Palestinian state is a new weapon in the ongoing battle against Israel.” Once you see the theology, the immunity to evidence stops being mysterious. Palestinianism promises “return” and issues the same instruction, generation after generation: the Jews leave or die, and until then the wound must not close. You cannot negotiate a people out of a faith that made Jewish existence the original sin. You can only refuse to speak the dialect.

On this day — September 29, 2004 Hamas fired a Qassam rocket at Israel and murdered two toddlers. This was 19 years before Oct 7 and seven years before Israel had the Iron Dome. Dorit Aniso, 2, and Yuval Abebeh, 4, were playing outside their grandmother’s house in Sderot when the rocket struck between two houses. Both children were killed. Another 31 were wounded. It was the eve of Sukkot. Hamas proudly took responsibility for murdering the two children. Back in 2004, a Qassam was a steel pipe with fins and a few kilos of explosive, fired from a collapsible tripod a few kilometers away in northern Gaza. From launch to impact, Sderot residents had seconds before impact and no missile shield to protect them. That same year on June 28, Hamas fired a Qassam at the Lilac nursery and murdered 3-year-old Afik Zahavi and 49-year-old Mordechai Yosepov. The town became a basket case with parents timing school runs like a military problem. Over time, children’s playgrounds were turned into makeshift bomb shelters. Well before October 7, Hamas had spent decades terrorizing Israeli civilians with tens of thousands of rocket attacks from Gaza. Was this “resistance?”

On this day—September 28, 1973 Two Syrian-run As-Sa‘iqa gunmen pulled machine guns from their suitcases on a Moscow–Vienna train and took Soviet Jews hostage. The demand was not money or prisoner release. It was to shutdown the only reliable European bridge for Jews fleeing the USSR. Austria said yes. Schönau Castle, the Jewish Agency transit camp south of Vienna, had already processed tens of thousands of Soviet Jews toward Israel. Chancellor Bruno Kreisky announced his country’s capitulation to terror: the camp would close and the terrorists would be freed on a plane to Libya. Golda Meir diverted to Vienna four days later and left empty-handed. She later said Kreisky did not even offer her a glass of water. This was the common European appeasement of terror in the 1970s. Palestinian factions hijacked planes, murdered athletes in Munich, and machine-gunned airports. In response, European governments folded one after the other and paid in perpetual anti-Israel policy. As-Sa‘iqa was a Syrian intelligence cutout inside the PLO. Eight days later, Egypt and Syria launched the Yom Kippur War. The timing was not a coincidence. They focused Israel on Jewish refugees trying to escape the Soviet Union as their armies finished massing for invasion. The lesson the gunmen learned was the one Europe kept teaching: take Jews hostage and the continent will move the Jews, not you.