Marco Rubio says Iran is run by ‘radical Shia clerics’ who believe they have a religious duty to trigger an apocalypse, and therefore Iran can never be allowed to possess a nuclear weapon.
The religious framing is interesting.
Because if Washington’s concern is really about nuclear weapons in the hands of governments influenced by religious extremists, where exactly does Pakistan fit into this equation?
Pakistan is not merely a nuclear-armed state. Its military, which has a long and well-documented history of cultivating terrorist groups, sits at the centre of the country’s strategic decision-making. This is also the military establishment under whose watch Osama bin Laden was living in Abbottabad, of all places, while the US was hunting for him across the region. Pakistan’s political and religious establishment, meanwhile, has its own long and complicated history with Islamist groups.
In May 2025, after just four days of fighting with India, Donald Trump himself repeatedly claimed the conflict could have become a nuclear war. He said the two countries were ‘going at it nuclear’ and that it might have gone nuclear in the next round.
Yet America seems concerned only about Iran’s nuclear programme. If the concern is really about existential nuclear threats, how does Pakistan not figure more prominently in that calculation? The religious extremism within Pakistan is far more deeply entrenched than in Iran. Iran’s hostility towards Israel is primarily driven by its ruling establishment; it is not the same as a broad-based hostility towards Israel within Iranian society. Pakistan is different. Anti-Israel and antisemitic sentiment is deeply entrenched in Pakistani political, religious and social life, making the problem less dependent on any one government or military regime. Even a change in leadership does not necessarily mean a change in the underlying hostility towards Israel. Nuclear threats against Israel have repeatedly been made by Pakistani political and religious figures. And if these threats are not being taken seriously, Pakistan is also developing longer-range ballistic-missile capabilities with assistance from entities in Belarus and China. Pakistan’s existing Shaheen-III, with an estimated range of 2,750 km, can already reach targets across India and, if deployed from western Balochistan, could bring Israel within range.
Iran’s hostility towards Israel also serves a political purpose for its leadership; Pakistan already has India as its primary strategic adversary, yet its political and religious establishment continues to make Israel a target.
The Shia clerics in Tehran are dangerous because of their religious ideology, we are told.
What about the Sunni maulvis and a nuclear-armed Pakistani military that, by Trump’s own account, was involved in a conflict that could have gone nuclear?
If America’s concern is really about nuclear weapons falling into the hands of religiously driven actors, why does the standard change with the sect?