Concerns about AI fall, roughly, into two classes. The first comprises conventional risks: disinformation, discrimination, surveillance, fraud, cyberattacks, job displacement and concentration of economic power. AI can indeed generate convincing disinformation, but, as the philosopher
@danwilliamsphil has argued, political persuasion is extremely hard; and insofar as AI does influence public attitudes, its overall effect may be to strengthen the influence of expert opinion.
@AndyMasley has shown in a detailed analysis that data-centre water use is minuscule compared with that of other sectors.
The second comprises existential risks: the possibility that superintelligent AI systems, pursuing goals that diverge from ours, might act in ways that lead to human extinction or permanent disempowerment. Once associated with
@allTheYud, Nick Bostrom and rationalist blogs, these fears are now taken seriously by many leading AI figures. They attracted global media attention in early September when AI researcher Jacob Coxon sensationally resigned from Anthropic, saying that the people building AI “earnestly believe that it could kill us all by the end of the decade”. Anthropic’s alignment science lead,
@EvanHub, agreed, putting his own estimate of the chance of AI killing all humans at more than 10 per cent.
In a recent article,
@clairlemon compared AI-doom fears to past apocalyptic scenarios involving overpopulation, nuclear annihilation, and environmental collapse. She rightly noted that technophobic alarmism can prompt restrictions that do great damage to human progress. However, unlike past doomsday prophets, AI-doomers are highly technophilic, politically diverse and genuine experts in the systems they fear; several have also forecast AI’s development with unusual accuracy. They should be taken seriously.
The detailed AI 2027 scenario, published in April 2025 by
@slatestarcodex and leading AI thinkers from the AI Futures Project, describes a rapid rise in AI capabilities ending either in human extinction or a technofeudal regime controlled by oligarchs. Yet both outcomes depend on rapid diffusion: AI spreading through government, the military and society, controlling factories that manufacture robots and drones, while powerful political figures cede judgment and decision-making to it.
The last point matters because an AI cannot exterminate an embodied creature by pure thought: it needs direct or indirect control over physical objects. Alexander has also written elsewhere about the “diffusion gap”: the time between AI becoming capable of doing 90 per cent of knowledge-work jobs and AI actually doing even half of them. Diffusion is hard.
But there may also be a deeper source of friction: the powerful human urge for meaning and mattering.
@platobooktour argues that the need to matter is our deepest longing and the crux of the human experience. This instinct is likely to work against surrendering control of meaningful parts of our lives to machines. The reaction of a section of the mathematical community to recent AI breakthroughs is suggestive. Nor should we assume that persuasive power scales indefinitely with intelligence: being vastly better at reasoning does not guarantee an ability to persuade humans to give up control.
I suspect many AI-doom scenarios underestimate the social and institutional resistance that large-scale displacement of human agency would provoke. Handing AI control of military systems, drone factories or critical infrastructure is likely to meet far greater opposition than adopting systems to help run them.
Halting development could mean forgoing extraordinary benefits. In AI 2040: Plan A, the AI Futures Project sketches a path to preserve those benefits while sharply reducing existential risk. Scott Alexander envisages triple-digit GDP growth in the 2030s, putting the stakes starkly: “It’s nanobots eating the solar system in 2033 vs. cancer cures in 2035”.
Nor would GDP hypergrowth or spectacular scientific breakthroughs capture all of AI’s benefits. In a recent post on X,
@DavidDeutschOxf described how AI helped him fix a dishwasher he was about to replace. Widespread access to knowledge and practical competence may reduce measured GDP while still making people better off.
Some AI-safety researchers favour pausing frontier development until we have “solved alignment”; others such as
@sebkrier,
@mboudry and Simon Friederich instead emphasize iterative feedback, selection and pressures favouring more controllable AI.
Recently, Dario Amodei, Anthropic’s CEO, argued for pacing the frontier, rather than pausing AI development or racing ahead. This is a sensible approach.
There are also pitfalls to avoid. In "If Anyone Builds It, Everyone Dies",
@ESYudkowsky and
@So8res advocate a global prohibition on publishing new AI research. This would eviscerate freedom of speech and academic freedom. Yudkowsky has elsewhere advocated airstrikes on rogue data centres to enforce an AI moratorium, even at the risk of nuclear war. More broadly, some of the more sweeping conclusions of AI-doomerism seem to pay insufficient attention to the epistemic and political norms that help societies avoid mistakes, the realities of human psychology, and the relationship between intelligence and power.
AI is a revolutionary technology. In some fields, including my own, it may soon become an extraordinarily intelligent oracle. But intelligence is not sovereignty. A machine’s ability to think more powerfully than we can does not require us to surrender what we choose to pursue, build, control or understand. On the contrary, AI could enormously expand what humans can know and do. To realize this promise, we need to protect free inquiry, remain open to empirical evidence, and be willing to solve difficult problems.
Read my whole piece at Café Américain:
cafeamericainmag.com/against…